The political mercury is reaching boiling point and the anti-government protesters are to blame for creating a black hole in national administration, Chalerm Yubamrung, director of the Centre for Administration of Peace and Order (Capo), says.
Chalerm: Urging government action
For too long, Mr Chalerm says, the government has been on the defensive and it is time it fought back.
A source in Capo said the “injustices” being experienced by caretaker Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra have whipped up waves of discontent that are now so powerful that the volatile political situation could erupt into violence at any time.
The caretaker premier is threatened with the prospect of being forced to step down if the National Anti-Corruption Commission decides to indict her for turning a blind eye to alleged graft in the rice-pledging scheme.
Ms Yingluck, in fact, is facing a two-pronged onslaught: Possible impeachment by the Senate and a possible jail term from the Supreme Court’s Criminal Division for Holders of Political Positions.
She is also being tried in the Constitutional Court over the unlawful transfer of Thawil Pliensri as National Security Council chief a few years ago. If found guilty, she will have to vacate her prime minister’s post, which puts the fate of her cabinet in the balance.
The source said the Department of Special Investigation director-general Tarit Pengdith believes the anti-government People’s Democratic Reform Committee and its allies are aiming to create a power vacuum in the country in a bid to unseat the entire cabinet.
Capo has said that if the Constitutional Court hands down a ruling which exceeds its authority, the government reserves the right to seek advice from the palace on what to do to defuse the political deadlock that might emerge.
But if the government does not seek royal advice, the Capo director will do so himself, the source said quoting Mr Tarit. Alternatively, that can be done by a group of Capo executives, the source added.
The government’s trump card will be Section 181 of the constitution. The section, the government’s legal experts insist, provides the caretaker prime minister and the cabinet ministers with immunity to being booted out as it stipulates they must remain in office until replaced.
The source said without a political vacuum, the anti-government protests will have no ready-made excuse to try to push for the invocation of sections 3 and 7 in an attempt to have an unelected prime minister installed.
The source said Mr Chalerm has brushed aside accusations by his opponents that Capo is making an inappropriate gesture by drawing the monarchy into the political conflict. He denied he was being disloyal, saying if the anti-government groups wanted to approach the palace via a reported plan to seek the application of two sections in the charter, there was no stopping him from doing the same.
Mr Tarit, meanwhile, has been assigned “homework” from Capo to find what the Constitutional Court may have done wrong in the past. One allegation is that the court overstepped the mark by issuing decisions that interfered with the workings of the executive branch.
Arguments stall decree
Deputy Senate Speaker Surachai Liangboonlertchai has urged the cabinet secretary-general to issue a royal decree request to convene the Upper House’s special session next month.
The Senate’s special session is needed to consider appointment issues, particularly the proposed appointment of the outspoken former deputy permanent secretary for finance Supa Piyajitti as a National Anti-
Corruption Commissioner.
Supa: Endorsement delayed
The endorsement by the Senate must come within 30 days of her appointment — the endorsement deadline is May 10.
But as it happens, the cabinet secretariat claims it cannot issue the royal decree request because the Senate secretary-general and the House secretary-general still cannot settle among themselves who has the authority to call the Upper House meeting after parliament was dissolved late last year.
The Senate secretariat earlier wrote to the cabinet seeking a 10-day special session starting on May 1 to consider the appointment issues.
The secretariat requested the cabinet seek the King’s endorsement for a royal decree to convene the meeting, a move the government rejected.
The cabinet acknowledged the request for the proposed session and asked the cabinet secretary-general to talk to both House and Senate secretary-generals to ascertain who has the authority to seek the royal decree.
A source at the Pheu Thai Party said the major reason why the caretaker government is reluctant to act on the issue is because it wants to block Ms Supa’s appointment to the NACC.
Ms Supa is seen by the government as one of its adversaries.
When chairing a Finance Ministry subcommittee assessing the accounts of the government’s rice-pledging scheme, Ms Supa revealed that the scheme was plagued with heavy losses and irregularities.
“The government is pulling out all stops to block Ms Supa’s endorsement,” the source said.
The source added that the government also plans to fight back against the People’s Democratic Reform Committee move to invoke Section 7 of the constitution to install a neutral prime minister, given the looming legal decisions that could threaten the future of caretaker Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra and her entire cabinet.
The NACC is expected to decide next month on whether Ms Yingluck was derelict in her duty for her failure to tackle allegations of graft in the rice scheme.
The Constitutional Court is also considering Ms Yingluck’s role in the transfer of National Security Council secretary-general Thawil Pliensri in 2011.
The government’s critics believe if Ms Yingluck has to step down as premier in the event of an unfavourable charter court ruling, the cabinet and its caretaker role would end as well, which would pave the way for a neutral prime minister to be installed.
The source said key Pheu Thai figures Somchai Wongsawat and his wife Yaowapa have prepared someone to be nominated for the post of Senate speaker.
Initially, ousted prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra wanted to nominate Srimuang Charoensiri, senator-elect for Maha Sarakham, for Senate speaker, the source said.
But lately, appointed senator Jongrak Juthanont has emerged as a favourite for the post and, more significantly, he has the backing of both Mr Somchai and Mrs Yaowapa, the source said,
The source added if Pol Gen Jongrak becomes the new Senate speaker, he is expected to nominate Mr Somchai as a "neutral" prime minister under Section 7.
On the other hand, Chartthaipattana Party chief adviser Banharn Silpa-archa has also discussed the issue with Thaksin.
Mr Banharn is grooming Jongchai Thiangtham, the senator-elect for Suphan Buri, for Senate speaker.
Mr Jongchai, in turn, is expected to push for Mr Banharn — his former boss — to become the neutral prime minister, even though a neutral prime minister, if the situation comes about, will not remain in office for very long, the source said.
The man and the lamp
Before the month is out, a pocket book will hit the stores recounting the private and political life and times of anti-government leader Suthep Thaugsuban.
It is expected to be a hit, especially with the People’s Democratic Reform Committee protesters. Many orders were placed even before the book went to print.
Those familiar with the publication business predicted orders for Power of Change could top 200,000. Proceeds from the sale of the book will be put into a fund for the caring of PDRC protesters’ children orphaned in the political violence. The fund also pays for the children’s education.
Suthep: Indelible stains on reputation
The book, several chapters long, reflects on Mr Suthep’s childhood and continues right through his political heyday to his leadership of the protest movement.
Accounts capture Mr Suthep’s spirit of adventure, detailing his days as a school student who rode his bicycle from his native Surat Thani to Bangkok. The journey took many days during which he would stop over and spend the night where and when he felt tired.
He was accompanied on the trip by a teacher of a local school he attended. On the way to Bangkok, he was treated to meals and accommodation by people he knew, as well as total strangers.
The book also covers Mr Suthep’s graduation in political science from Chiang Mai University.
After graduation, he landed a job as a kamnan in an area of the upper South which was under the influence of the Communist Party of Thailand.
During that time, he was a target of suspicion by both state and communist sympathisers. His close contacts with people from all walks of life helped hone his oratory skills, which became his prime asset when he launched his political career.
When he canvassed for votes, he spoke of subjects close to the heart which drew in the crowds. He became known as the speaker with the powerful Takian Jao Payu lamp powered by kerosene. When he went out at night to meet supporters, he would always hold the lamp.
His close aides said the lamp was symbolic of Mr Suthep’s closeness to local residents, which ensured his victory in elections.
Much of the book is dedicated to Mr Suthep’s work post-election. After he was first elected as an MP, he was appointed a ministerial secretary. The appointment came as a surprise as it was then customary that a post as ministerial secretary would be given to those who had been elected several times and definitely not for a novice.
In other chapters, the book mentions Mr Suthep as a strong promoter of rubber planting in the Northeast, where the trees are now cultivated over wide areas.
The book does not attempt to sidestep the blemishes on his career as it takes a good look at the highly-scandalous Sor Por Kor 4-01 case in which Mr Suthep was accused of illegal involvement in the issuance of some land documents in 1994 when he was a deputy agriculture minister in the Democrat-led administration.
The controversy was instrumental in bringing down the Chuan Leekpai government and left Mr Suthep with an indelible stain on his reputation.
The rest of the book describes Mr Suthep’s experiences as deputy prime minister during the red-shirt protests in 2010.
A source in the PDRC said some Democrat politicians are buying up lots of copies of the former party secretary-general’s book to distribute among their constituents.