Pheu Thai has point to prove

Pheu Thai has point to prove

The executives of the Pheu Thai Party may end up thanking their three former colleagues who have been busy siphoning a chunk of the party's former MPs into the fold of a party that backs the military regime. How it handles the poaching saga may prove a yardstick in the party's evolution into an entity less dependent on, and free from the influence of, the Shinawatra clan.

Having been subject to political witch-hunts and bullying under the military regime, Pheu Thai -- a reincarnation of the dissolved Thai Rak Thai and People's Power parties -- has struggled to survive or rekindle the glamour of its years in government.

During the past months, the Sam Mitr, or Three Allies, political group, believed to be led by key former Thai Rak Thai members, Somsak Thepsuthin, Somkid Jatusripitak and Suriya Jungrungreangkij, has met dozens of the party's former MPs in its bid to convince them to defect and join the pro-military Phalang Pracharat Party.

They may succeed in their mission given that those former MPs may be worried about the shaky status of a party which is currently under investigation by the Election Commission over whether it is in violation of election law by allegedly having Thaksin Shinawatra control its affairs from abroad, making it vulnerable to dissolution. A group of its former lawmakers are also being probed by the anti-graft agency for abuse of power when they endorsed an amnesty bill which allegedly benefited Thaksin.

Once those politicians formally defect, the party will land on an election battleground in which it will have to rely more on its policy platform, ideology and principles than influence and connections with local politicians.

The defection of political factions into new parties has dominated Thai politics for so long, but this time it does not have to translate into an election loss for Pheu Thai. After a faction led by Newin Chidchob defected from the People's Power Party in 2008, the party ended up being in opposition only to secure an election victory in 2011 after being reincarnated as Pheu Thai.

It is true that much of its election success was due to the leadership and charisma of the Shinawatras, Thaksin and his sister Yingluck in particular. But the party also reaped the benefits of policies that responded to the needs of the electorate. More importantly, much of Pheu Thai's downfall also stemmed from Thaksin's egoistic leadership and unchecked power during the time he was at the helm of Thai Rak Thai, which resulted in it becoming something of an anti-Thaksin movement, as well as forming the pretext for two coups in only 12 years.

Although Thaksin and Yingluck live in self-imposed exile abroad to escape political cases against them, key party members still cling to the Shinawatras' influence.

Pheu Thai must demonstrate to the electorate that there is more to it than the Shinawatras. It does not have to depart from Thaksin's policy legacy, but it will have to focus on promoting social democracy and equality, while avoiding short-lived promises for short-term political gains.

Pheu Thai shares with those who voted it to power the plight of being the subject of injustice and having democracy denied. As it weathers the coming storm, the party's executives need to rebuild Pheu Thai taking a bottom-up approach, seeking consensus from its members on a new leader and policy platform. This means it will stand for the very democracy it touts as a core principle.

The party needs to look beyond winning this upcoming election to prove that it can stand on its own feet and become a political party accountable to the electorate and its members, not a single political dynasty.

Editorial

Bangkok Post editorial column

These editorials represent Bangkok Post thoughts about current issues and situations.

Email : anchaleek@bangkokpost.co.th

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