What's all the fuss about the arrest of 14 so-called students who broke the law? Many in social media have expressed their bewilderment.
That reminds me of a saying: "Where there's smoke, there's fire." The students are the smoke while the fire has been burning or smouldering in many places.
And what have the authorities done to douse the fire? They throw in more fuel.
Some high-ranking officials have complained to the press that the students allowed themselves to be a tool of some third party which they refused to name.
Some others almost foamed at the mouth accusing the young activists of obstructing the government which has been trying to bring stability and peace to a faltering country. Fortunately, they stopped short of calling the youngsters traitors or terrorists.
Many junta supporters in social media resorted to familiar discrediting tactics. ''Where were these *&^%$ students when the previous government ran the country to the ground?'' they asked.
And you know what, the Dao Din group of students did poorly at college with a GPA below 2. They would do well to spend their parents' money wisely by paying more attention to their study and leaving politics to the adults.
By the way, the person instrumental in publicising the students' GPAs happened to be a retired army lieutenant-general. I guess that's why they say old soldiers never die.
He didn't elaborate, however, on what low grades have to do with a citizen's freedom of expression. So it probably would be too much to expect that he realise that obtaining and publicising personal information is an infringement of privacy.
But I digress. Where is the fire, or fires? you may ask.
The fires were actually started even before the junta took over power. In the case of the Dao Din students, they were busy helping villagers in Loei's Wang Saphung district protect their land and livelihoods against a gold mining operation.
One night a company of 300 thugs, allegedly commanded by a lieutenant-general, raided the village, tore down a blockade set up by villagers to prevent mining trucks from using the local road, and beat up some of them.
The villagers filed complaints with the police. But as you might have guessed, the case went nowhere.
Several senior military figures, both active and retired, are known to sit on the boards of directors of mining companies.
After the coup, soldiers were sent to the village with soothing words and friendly smiles. But soon they turned around and helped the mining company dismantle the road blocks while the villagers watched with tears running down their faces as ore-carrying trucks ran through.
Chakramon Phasukvanich, prior to his appointment as industry minister, sat on the board of directors of Akra Resources Pcl, operator of a major gold mine in Phichit.
As minister he granted a concession for potash mining, a much-feared project in the Northeast, and has been pushing to grant concessions for gold mining in many parts of the country, ensuring that local fires will burn brighter.
When residents of Krabi and Surat Thani went to public hearings for coal-fired power plants and a deep-sea port, they were greeted by soldiers who were deployed either to bar some of them from entering the venues or ensure that they not make too much noise.
The junta's insistence, even before the hearing process comes to a close, that the port and power plants would be built doesn't help matters, instead convincing the locals that the process is a sham.
When southern activists attempted to take their campaign against oil and gas concessions to Bangkok on foot, soldiers stopped them in their tracks. It didn't matter whether they walked in a group of four or five or one, the force of martial law was brought down upon them.
These are but a few examples of fires raging in the country, even while the military regime remains in place.
Following the revocation of martial law, Section 44 was introduced in its place to put a gag on the nation. Directives issued under this section are considered law. This is the law that junta supporters have accused the 14 students of breaking.
But the students dispute the legitimacy of the law. ''How can you expect us to respect the law written by a regime that came to power by illegal means?'' they argue.
Their rebuttal has a stinging truth to it.
The problem for the military regime is that the 14 students and their peers have been born in an era where the concept of rights has been implanted in their minds, however shakily it may seem. That's where they derive their conviction to stand up to authority for restricting their rights.
And that might have been a clear piece of evidence of progress in Thai democratic development if you are looking for one.
So the military government may well be advised not to look for a "third hand".
These are adults they are dealing with, who have the right to vote, if and when an election takes place, and are in full possession of their faculties to think for themselves and take responsibility for their own actions.
It's also not a good idea to fight fire with fire. Nobody will gain from it and certainly the nation will lose.
If the regime truly believes it is right in what it does, it should try to convince the students and the rest of the nation with logic and reason.
After all, one of the regime's self-confessed reasons for taking over power is to bring reconciliation and peace and order to the country.
Wasant Techawongtham is a former news editor, Bangkok Post.