A LEGACY
OF FRIENDSHIP

Walk Memory Line

Marking the 48th anniversary of diplomatic ties with China this year, the Bangkok Post presents the results of a study that examined the history of Sino-Thai relations.

The paper, titled "Thailand and the People’s Republic of China: Volatile Politics and Troubles in the Early Years of Diplomatic Relations (1975-1978)" was authored by Sitthiphon Kruarattikan and published by the International Study Centre of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 2020.

The research looked into the early years of Sino-Thai relations at a time when the Thai political landscape was rapidly changing.

Democracy was in full bloom after the fall of the military regime led by Field Marshal Thanom Kittikachorn following a popular uprising on Oct 14, 1973.

Forging diplomatic relations with China on July 1, 1975, was not only a diplomatic masterstroke by the Kukrit Pramoj government, but also represented a major shift in Thai foreign policy.

However, a military coup took place after the massacre of student protesters at Thammasat University on Oct 6, 1976, and an ultra-right government led by then-prime minister Thanin Kraivixien was installed by the coup-makers.

The Thanin government was ousted in another coup on Oct 20, 1977, and supplanted by a "semi-democratic" regime with a government led by Gen Kriangsak Chomanan.

In 1975, neighbouring countries in Indochina underwent political upheavals as they turned to communist rule one by one.

These factors had a major impact on Thai foreign policies, and Thai-Sino relations between 1975 and 1977 did not go smoothly as a result.

Cold War antagonism

After the end of World War II, the governments of Field Marshal Plaek Phibunsongkhram (1948–1957), Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat (1959–1963), and Field Marshal Thanom (1963–1973) aligned themselves with the Western bloc led by the United States.

These governments pursued policies against the communist bloc led by the Soviet Union.

These policies included sending Thai troops to help South Korea fight North Korea in the Korean War, co-founding the Southeast Asia Treaty Organisation to counter communist expansion, as well as allowing the US to set up bases in Thailand for military operations during the Vietnam War.

At the time, Thai governments refused to recognise the government of the People's Republic of China, or mainland China, and continued to maintain diplomatic ties with the Kuomintang government after its relocation to Taiwan in 1949.

China also provided accommodation for Pridi Banomyong, a former regent and prime minister who was forced into self-exile after a counter-coup against the government of Field Marshal Plaek failed in 1949.

The establishment of the Tai Nationality Autonomous Area in Yunnan in 1953 also fuelled Thailand's fears that the Chinese communists wanted to expand their influence and control into Southeast Asia.

This was explicitly mentioned in a speech by Prince Wan Waithayakon, then a foreign affairs minister, during the 9th session of the UN General Assembly in September, 1954.

He said: "My government has reason to believe that preparations are being made for large-scale communist infiltrations from Yunnan through Viet Minh into Thailand in order to subvert the government of my country."

Even though efforts were made to improve ties with China after the Bandung Conference in 1955, no tangible results were achieved and the process came to an end when Field Marshal Sarit staged a coup in 1957.

Fears that China was a threat heightened when the Communist Party of Thailand (CPT) waged guerrilla warfare in rural areas with the support of the Chinese Communist Party, according to the author.

Col Thanat Khoman, a former foreign affairs minister, said in 1969 that China constituted a danger to Thailand as it waged revolutionary wars or liberation wars and engaged in acts of infiltration and subversion, and spread propaganda in Southeast Asia as well as in the West.

Meanwhile, Thailand and Taiwan enjoyed amicable ties and shared an anti-communist stance.

When the US and Taiwan launched an operation to airlift weapons to anti-Chinese elements in Tibet in 1958, they flew from military bases in Thailand.

In 1970, Col Thanat, who was a foreign affairs minister at the time, reiterated Thailand's stance that Taiwan was the only representative of Chinese people in the United Nations.

With the close ties with Taiwan and a military alliance with the US, Thai governments before the 1970s were seen by China as its enemies.

However, a major change occurred in international politics as US president Richard Nixon announced a foreign policy of detente dubbed the Nixon Doctrine, in which the US would withdraw its troops from the Vietnam War and turn its attention to mending ties with China to work together against the Soviet Union.

The United Nations General Assembly voted on Oct 25, 1971, to accept the People’s Republic of China into the global body and expel Taiwan, followed by Nixon's visit to China the following year.

In light of this, several US allies, including Thailand, had to revise their foreign policies towards China.

The Thai government at the time began to make informal contact with China, with a team of Thai table-tennis players sent to Beijing to take part in a competition there in August of 1972.

However, China remained steadfast in its far-left ideologies and still supported revolutionary movements worldwide.

As a result, the Thai government hesitated to initiate an official rapprochement with China while it still maintained ties with Taiwan.

A Thai representative abstained during the vote to admit China into the UN, and expressed disagreement with the expulsion of Taiwan from the global body.

Icy ties thaw

Thailand began to change its attitude towards China after the downfall of the Thanom government in the wake of the Oct 14 uprising in 1973.

The Sanya Thammasak government stepped in and paved the way for a rapprochement with China.

Gen Chatichai Choonhavan, who served as deputy foreign affairs minister at the time, led a Thai delegation to China in December 1973 to discuss ways to establish diplomatic ties.

A discussion with Chinese Prime Minister Zho Enlai also enabled Gen Chatichai to learn about cracks in relations between China and North Vietnam.

Gen Chatichai came to realise that China could play a role in bolstering Thailand's national security if South Vietnam fell to communist troops from North Vietnam.

In 1974, the Thai government showed it was keen to establish formal ties with China when then-foreign affairs minister Charunphan Isarangkun Na Ayuthaya said during a TV show that: "We don't see political ideologies or doctrines held by other countries as an obstacle to friendly relations."

He also told foreign correspondents that Thailand would stick to the One-China policy and that conflict between Beijing and Taipei was China's business.

In early 1975, the communists were on the verge of taking control of South Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos, underscoring the urgent need for the Thai government to speed up moves to establish diplomatic ties with China.

Despite holding a negative view of China, MR Seni Pramoj, the Democrat Party leader who became prime minister following an election on Jan 26, 1975, said during a press conference that it was still necessary for Thailand to establish ties with China.

"We are a small country. How can we pursue a policy against China?" he said.

Bhichai Rattakul, a foreign affairs minister at the time, also expressed support for the One-China policy and said he would follow up on what his predecessor, Charunphan, did.

However, the Seni Pramoj government was short-lived as it failed to get a vote of confidence during a parliamentary session in which the government spelt out its policy statement as required by the constitution on March 6, 1975.

As a result, MR Seni had to resign as prime minister.

MR Kukrit Pramoj, his younger brother and leader of the Social Action Party, succeeded him as he gathered enough support from coalition parties to form a government.

Spelling out his government's policy statement before parliament on March 19, 1975, MR Kukrit made it clear that his government would step up efforts to normalise relations with China.

Later that month, Gen Chatichai, foreign affairs minister at the time, and Phan Wannamethee, permanent secretary for foreign affairs, presented a report informing MR Kukrit that the situation in Indochina posed a serious threat to national security.

This prompted MR Kukrit to raise the issue with the National Security Council (NSC) and he decided that urgent action must be taken to establish ties with China as a guarantee for Thailand's national security.

However, security agencies held different opinions.

Among those who opposed the idea was ACM Siddhi Savetsila, the NSC secretary-general. He said he saw China as an enemy as it supported communist insurgents led by the CPT.

Kukrit meets Chairman Mao

A picture of MR Kukrit shaking hands with Mao Zedong, chairman of the Chinese Communist Party, on July 1, 1975, sparked fears among the conservatives in Thailand that leftism would intensify in the country.

Following the trip to China, MR Kukrit told parliament that the visit was intended to establish diplomatic ties and he would not adopt anything he saw in China for use in Thailand.

He also recommended MR Kasem Samosorn Kasemsri be appointed as Thailand's first ambassador to China.

Prior to the visit to China, the Kukrit government also confronted the US over the Mayaguez incident.

The US had sent marines to U-tapao military base in Rayong without permission from Thailand and went ahead with the rescue of the crew on board the American merchant ship Mayaguez, seized by Khmer Rouge soldiers in the Gulf of Thailand in May of 1975.

The government was upset and gave the US an ultimatum to withdraw all its troops from Thailand within 18 months.

With the establishment of ties with China and a tough stance against the US in the Mayaguez incident, critics accused MR Kukrit of leaning towards communism.

Meanwhile, MR Kukrit also struggled to deal with conflicts among coalition parties.

As a result, he decided to dissolve the House in January 1976 and his Social Action Party suffered a loss in an election on April 4.

MR Seni, the Democrat Party leader, returned as prime minister and pledged to maintain ties with China.

At the time, the Foreign Affairs Ministry issued a new regulation allowing passport holders to travel to China without having to be scrutinised by police officers from the Special Branch Bureau first.

Relations strengthen

The early years of the Sino-Thai diplomatic ties did not go smoothly mainly because of fears of communism.

Indochina neighbours had fallen to the communists. Many worried that Thailand could be the next according to the "domino theory" being bandied about at the time.

Thai-Sino relations were put back in the deep freeze again when the ultra-right Thanin government came to power following the Oct 6, 1976 coup.

Despite this, China still recognised that Thailand held strategic importance.

Therefore, Beijing had to put up with unfriendliness from the ultra-right government while attempting to befriend royal family members and the Thai military to promote a better understanding.

When the Thanin government was ousted in a coup on Oct 20, 1977, and replaced by the Kriangsak Chomanan government, the two countries appeared to get back on friendly terms quickly.

Sarasin Veerapol, a prominent expert on China and former deputy permanent secretary for foreign affairs, said: "It was like the Thai-Sino relations were put in a heater without having to wait for the ice to thaw."

In late 1978, a turn of major events both at home and abroad helped strengthen ties between the two countries further.

Deputy Chinese Prime Minister Deng Xiaoping visited Thailand from Nov 5–9 at the invitation of Gen Kriangsak.

During the visit, Deng also attended the royal ordination of His Majesty the King, who was the Crown Prince at the time.

In December that year, the third plenary session of the 11th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party announced that China was shifting its focus to "socialist modernisation", ushering in a new era of reform and opening up under the leadership of Deng.

Vietnamese troops also invaded Cambodia to overthrow the Khmer Rouge government that year.

Thailand and China believed the invasion was part of a plan engineered by the Soviet Union to expand its power.

Thailand and China then decided to become strategic partners to counter threats from Vietnam and the Soviet Union.

In return for Thailand's friendly gesture, China stopped giving aid to the CPT.

From the 1980s onwards, the negative view of China held by the Thai political elite gradually ebbed as China's importance has since been recognised.

Her Royal Highness Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn began studying the Chinese language in 1980 and was the first member of the royal family to visit China in May 1981.

His Majesty the King, who was then the Crown Prince, visited China on behalf of His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej The Great in 1987. Her Majesty Queen Sirikit The Queen Mother also visited China in 2000.

As all roads are leading to Beijing, few may realise that 48 years ago a proposal to revive official ties with the communist regime was considered controversial, if not unpopular.

Then, Thailand was closer to the United States and the Republic of China, known as Taiwan, than it was with mainland China. Moreover, the People's Republic of China was eyed suspiciously as a key supporter of the banned Communist Party of Thailand (CPT).

Contact persisted despite the political climate: remittances (called poay-guan in one Chinese dialect) sent by Chinese people in Thailand back to their families in mainland China was a common practice.

The two nations had been Cold War adversaries since Mao Tse-tung came to power in 1949 and Thailand aligned itself with the United States after World War II.

In the 1970s, volatile changes on the international stage prompted Thai authorities to rethink their strategies. The surrounding circumstances prompted Prime Minister Kukrit Pramoj to pay the first visit to China in 1975.

On April 17, 1975, the Khmer Rouge took over Phnom Penh. Shortly afterwards, Saigon also fell to the communist Viet Cong. At the time, the United States had military air bases in Thailand.

Kukrit called for a cabinet meeting where he asked for an estimated length of time that the Thai army could withstand an invasion by communist Vietnam, were it to happen. The answer was: "Three days" (for Vietnamese troops to reach Bangkok).

The prime minister said to Chatichai Choonhavan, then foreign minister, that "we must go to Beijing".

This historic visit was aimed to counter Vietnam, as the communists were on the rise while America was becoming weaker.

Widespread fear about the CPT's growing influence was another key factor, so the normalisation of relations with China was deemed a necessity.

Thus on June 30, 1975, Kukrit and 29 other high-ranking officials flew to Beijing. News archives from the period suggested Kukrit had to tread carefully during this historic visit. Rightist elements, notably in the military, were unhappy with the planned rapprochement.

A couple of days prior to his departure, rumours circulated there could be possible bloodshed and violence on American Independence Day — July 4th.

Kukrit promptly gave a televised speech in which he said: "There are so many incredible tales these days, but do not worry or panic. There will be no violence or trouble." (On that day, incidentally, Kukrit and some of his retinue skipped a leisure trip to the famed Rock Garden of Kunming and chose to stay in the hotel).

A spectacular reception by the Chinese hosts was followed by an unprecedented 58-minute discussion between Chairman Mao and the Thai prime minister.

The following day, July 1 marked a historic new chapter of Sino-Thai relations, when M R Kukrit and Premier Chou En-lai signed a joint communique at Beijing Hospital, where Chou was recovering from illness, re-establishing formal ties between the Kingdom of Thailand and the People's Republic of China.

Later, Deputy Prime Minister Deng Xiaoping hosted a banquet in the Great Hall of the People for Kukrit and other visiting Thai diplomats, including Foreign Minister Chatichai Choonhavan. In lengthy speeches Chou and Deng pledged to preserve Asia as a zone of "peace and stability," free from foreign domination.

Note: Excerpt from “The Long Road Ahead” by Vasana Chinvarakorn and Supara Janchitfah, Perspective section, Bangkok Post, Nov 20, 2005

China relations experts agree that China’s unparalleled rise stems from its government’s strong and purposeful policies as well as the leadership of President Xi Jinping.

Pinit Jarusombat, president of the Thai-Chinese Cultural Relationship Council (TCCRC), says that China achieving its greatness was a decades-long process stemming from a revolutionary war and the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949.

Many had underestimated China while the country faced large-scale poverty. Now China has become the world’s leading country in food technology and science, he said.

“Having been invaded by powerful countries in the past, China stood up to them and stood on its own feet stronger than ever. It reflects that China has neither invaded nor exploited anyone. Its foreign policy only benefits the international community. For example, China restored ties between Saudi Arabia and Iran in seven years,” Mr Pinit said.

The turning point for China was the administration under the Communist Party of China (CPC). Mr Pinit said the CPC’s Chairman Mao Zedong had fought against Japanese armies, led the revolution and eventually founded the People's Republic of China (PRC).

When Mao died, China faced challenges. Millions of people were suffering from starvation and a harsh winter at that time.

Mr Pinit said that, at the start of Deng Xiaoping's rule, China started to open up and develop new technology. State-owned enterprises were equipped to compete in the international market.

China's top graft buster and developer

Mr Pinit noted that Mr Xi is known for his modest and humble image. He reshaped the familiar notion of government officials having luxurious lifestyle to them living humble and economical lives.

Mr Xi is seen as a crusader against corruption, established China's position in world market and expanded the country's power.

“They say that Mao Zedong made China stand on its feet again, Deng Xiaoping made China wealthy and Xi Jinping made China powerful,” Mr Pinit said.

Aksornsri Phanishsarn, an economist from Thammasat University, said Mr Xi brought about “The Great Rejuvenation” ideology or Fuxing to spark patriotism, that helped China become a world superpower.

China’s success is a result of its clear direction and unified administration. Once it had a long-term strategy to develop, China overcame most obstacles despite the difficulties.

“Under [Mr Xi] administration, policies endorsed by the CPC are adopted by provincial and local administrations. Everyone from every sector mobilises to achieve the national goal,” said Ms Aksornsri.

To reform a country’s structure like what China has done, requires the implementation of a clear-cut, long term national strategy since reform takes a long time to finish.

“The policy implementation must be consistent. The country's leader should hold a vision for the future and local leaders should push development according to the national strategy. All elements combined will create success,” said Ms Aksornsri.

Moreover, the country must pursue accountability to assess performance. It is important to have an inspection agency to evaluate the work process and results of projects across the country. If a problem or an obstacle arises, the inspectors must report truthfully so that solutions can follow, she said.

“If China wants to be a great nation again, that is simply not enough. The Chinese leader also wants the country to be the world leader in technology,” Ms Aksornsri added.

China has developed emerging technologies such as the 5G system or Artificial Intelligence which puts it 11th on the Global Innovation Index list.

Ms Aksornsri believes Mr Xi’s engagement with global communities via the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been evidently successful.

“President Xi is calm but sharp. He knows the right time to push his policies. He spent the start of his administration earning his people’s faith and loyalty. Policies on corruption and poverty elimination have won him many believers. The Chinese are willing to support the government led by Xi Jinping,” she said.

During the first five years of Mr Xi's rule, his extensive anti-corruption campaign saw it tackle over 1.5 million graft cases. Mr Xi vowed to crack down on "tigers and flies", both high-ranking officials and local civil servants.

The Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) has cracked down on both incumbent and former government officials linked to bribery and abuse of power, echoing Mr Xi’s determination and decisiveness to succeed with this policy.

“With such success, China has lifted over 100 million people above the poverty line, a feat no one has ever accomplished in China,” Ms Aksornsri said.

In 2013, Mr Xi introduced the "Chinese dream," an idea associated with the hope of restoring lost national greatness during past dynasties.

The Chinese dream is a key factor in China becoming a Xiaokang society — a moderately prosperous society.

As a result of rapid economic growth from technology and agricultural productivity, Mr Xi announced that extreme poverty in China had been eradicated in Feb 2021, the same year the government celebrated the 100th anniversary of the CPC.

Once Chinese people gave their loyalty to Mr Xi, they were willing to follow the national development strategy drawn up by the government. The Chinese dream of becoming a great nation has proven successful.

Ms Aksornsri also said Mr Xi has made Chinese people more optimistic which, in turn, drives them to work for the country’s prosperity and become a superpower.

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)

Mr Xi Jinping's BRI policy has been warmly welcomed by the international community since it was proposed at the CPC's 18th National Congress, especially from countries along its routes.

One of China's key policies in opening up in the new era, the BRI serves as an important platform for building a global community based on a shared future, and providing the world with a way of achieving common prosperity and development based on eastern wisdom.

Expounding on the guiding principles, rich content, goals and methods behind the BRI, Mr Xi has set the direction for further development, and mapped out a bright future for China.

What the TCCRC will do

Mr Pinit saya the council focuses on cultural exchanges and investment opportunities between Thailand and China.

To celebrate the 48th anniversary of Thai-Chinese relations, the TCCRC would like to continue its mission to send Thai students to China on exchange programmes. Additionally, Mr Pinit said that the council will work with the Ministry of Culture of the People's Republic of China, the China Cultural Center in Bangkok and the Chinese embassy to showcase cultural events.

Panda politics

China started gifting giant pandas to other countries in 1941 as a tool of diplomacy. After a policy adjustment in 1984 following a huge decrease in the giant panda population, the country's cuddliest diplomats have been sent to other countries on a lease term instead of gifted. Thailand is no exception.

In 2001, Gen Chavalit Yongchaiyudh, then a deputy prime minister, started a bilateral dialogue between China and Thailand for an agreement to have giant pandas sent here as a symbol of friendship between the two nations.

Just two years later, two giant pandas were sent to Thailand as part of a 10-year breeding conservation programme. The male panda, Chuang Chuang, and female counterpart, Lin Hui, suddenly became the stars of Chiang Mai Zoo.

Following successful artificial insemination, Lin Hui gave birth to female Lin Ping in 2009.

Chuang Chuang, Lin Hui and Lin Ping created a huge panda phenomenon in Thailand where all roads headed to Chiang Mai. Chiang Mai Zoo welcomed a lot of visitors from not just the northern province itself but also from around Thailand to witness the cuteness of the panda family. The adorable creatures painted a vibrant tourism landscape. A number of activities were initiated in response to the craze. When Lin Ping was born, Thais were asked to submit names for the cub and the favourite would be decided through votes. The campaign received a lot of attention and positive feedback from the public.

The name Lin Ping eventually received 13.2 million postcard votes. The lucky voters were then awarded with cash prizes, cars and a tour package to visit the Panda Breeding Centre in Chengdu, China.

People across Thailand could also follow the three pandas through a 24-hour live broadcast from November 2009 to October 2012.

In 2013, Lin Ping was sent back to China under the loan agreement. Earlier this year, the Royal Thai Consulate-General in Chengdu unveiled pictures of Lin Ping so that Thai fans could see how she was doing. During her 10 years back in China, Lin Ping gave birth to another cub at the Panda Breeding Centre in Chengdu.

After the death of Chuang Chuang in 2019, his mate Lin Hui died at the age of 21 in April this year.

The presence of the three giant pandas during the past decades is more than just soft power or diplomacy from China. The panda family is indeed a mascot of love, laughter and bond among Thais, young and old alike. — Arusa Pisuthipan

Mala heating up Thai kitchens

“China is the place for food but Sichuan is the place for flavour” is a popular saying in China and despite the heat in Thailand, mala, the quintessential spice, is having several moments in various ways.

A combination of two Chinese characters, numbing and spicy, mala’s numbing effect is caused by the peppercorn, which contains 3% hydroxy-alpha-sanshool. With it’s origins in Sichuan (hence the English name), the sauce or seasoning is made using herbs, ground spices and the infamous Sichuan peppercorn. Not a native to China, the chilli peppers were brought to the country from South America. It is also not an actual peppercorn but dried berries of the Chinese prickly ash shrub, associated with the citrus family, with an intense fragrant, lemony flavour, producing that familiar tingly-numbing sensation in the mouth. It isn’t spicy but when blended with chillies, the mala flavour comes alive.

Traditionally, the most popular way to consume it was simmering the sauce or seasoning in oil, also known as mala tang or as we know it — mala hotpot. Hotpot is still the most popular way to eat it. Though the precise origins of hotpot are unclear, sources say it originated from Chongqing's night markets that catered to pier workers in the 19th and 20th centuries. Often served with off-cuts like stomach, kidney and also blood, the strong and oily broth not only got rid of the smell of cheap meats, it also helped preserve the food.

Though hotpot isn’t the only dish that lends its popularity to mala. Enter mala xiang guo, roughly translated as spicy stir-fry, which has its origins in Dongbei where Sichuan people migrated to in search of a better life. The mala seasoning is stir-fried with meat or vegetables for that signature salty and spicy taste.

Though it is not hard to see why mala is popular in Thailand, both cuisines pack a punch, heat-wise. Sichuan cuisine coincides with the spicy taste preferences of Thai diners. In 2015, HRH Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn asked for Sichuan cuisine on her 60th birthday dinner menu. This had a trickle-down effect on the Thai public. In 2017, it was reported that a study on eating habits of Thai students in China reported more than 50% preferred spicy chicken and spicy hotpot. Enter the mala hotpot.

Although it opened in 2019, the extremely popular international chain Haidilao shows no signs of slowing down and neither do the queues outside the restaurant in CentralWorld. Founded in 1994, the chain is known for its Sichuan-style hotpot, which is the mala broth, and a table-front noodle dance. However, it is not just the food that makes the place a hit, it is the services offered — shoe shining, manicures and mini massages — while you stand in queue, which makes the wait so much more worthwhile.

Here are just a few mala restaurants in Bangkok:

• Shu Daxia from Chengdu recently opened at Lat Phrao’s Crystal Design Center, offering traditional mala broth simmered over 12 hours.
• Huolong Chinese Mala HotPot & Grill, which translates to fire dragon in Mandarin. It’s worth the trek to Intrawat 35.
• Having opened in 2022, Hahamala Chinese Restaurant is fairly new to the Sichuan food scene in Bangkok. The restaurant serves hotpot but also does dry mala dishes. Head over to 14/3 Rama I.
• LT Fish has three branches in Bangkok — CentralWorld, True Digital Park and Central Rama 9.
• It would be a shame to leave out the Huay Khwang area and all its hotpot restaurants, which are as plentiful in the area as 7-Elevens. — Nianne-Lynn Hendricks

Chinese influence on screen

There is much more to Chinese onscreen entertainment than kung fu movies, especially with the 2019 establishment of WeTV, a leading video streaming service operated by Tencent.

Before 2019, Thai viewers had to rely on illegal platforms that provided Thai subtitles in order to watch Chinese media.

The popular Chinese Boy’s Love (BL) novel The Untamed became a phenomenon in Thailand in 2019. The period series ignited viewers' interest in Chinese series.

Rewadee Jadjenavee, creator of the Sawok Aei Jong Seb Niyai Jeen page (translated as disciples must read Chinese novels), with over 363,000 followers on Facebook, explained that since The Untamed was based on a popular BL novel, it gained much anticipation from fans, despite the two leading actors being newcomers.

“The script of The Untamed was well written and remained faithful to the original novel, so viewers were not disappointed. The chemistry between the two leading actors was excellent. The production elements such as costumes, props and scenes were exquisite. All these factors contributed to the immense success of The Untamed in Thailand. This TV series helped WeTV grow 250%. The platform was downloaded an average of one million times per month. It is an achievement that no other Chinese TV series can compete with,” said Rewadee.

After the immense success of The Untamed, many BL series were produced in 2020. However, before they were launched, the Chinese government implemented a strict policy to regulate online content in 2021. This censorship from Beijing has had an impact on the content of TV series.

“Based on the BL novel, The Untamed presents the relationship between the main male characters as a friendship, not a romantic relationship due to LGBTI relationships not being accepted in China. The Chinese censors believe that BL series may cause a negative influence on young people. Since 2021, approximately 10 BL series have not been released. Other content that the Chinese government censors includes violence, obscenity and threats to national security. The government frequently changes it censorship policies which causes restrictions on content creation. As a result, most period dramas involve stories of Chinese gods and immortals,” explained Rewadee.

While Chinese viewers appreciate modern dramatic TV, Thai viewers prefer period series such as The Romance of Tiger and Rose (2020), Love like the Galaxy (2022), A Dream of Splendor (2022) and Till the End of the Moon (2023).

“Chinese period TV series are unique due to their spectacular production and CGI effects. In the recent popular series, Till the End of the Moon, more than 40 costumes were designed for the male characters and over 35 costumes for the main female character. The physical appearance of actors play an important part in attracting viewers. In today’s digital age, many viewers watch short video platforms. When they see good looking actors on short clips, they want to know more about the TV series. However, an excellent script and acting will encourage viewers to follow the series,” said Rewadee.

Since entertainment is a form of soft power, watching TV series has impact on viewers’ behaviour.

“If viewers can afford it, they may travel to locations that appear in the series. Hengdian World Studios is the most popular location as it offers the possibility of seeing actors and actresses at the studio. Other activities include studying language and purchasing related items to the TV series and its actors. While a series is airing, the sale of its original novel in Thai will increase,” said Rewadee.

Chinese series with Thai subtitles are currently available via iQIYI, WeTV, YouKu, TrueID and MonoMax applications. — Suwitcha Chaiyong.

The TikTok craze

TikTok, the globally renowned social media platform, has experienced a meteoric rise to fame in recent years, captivating the attention of users worldwide. It is undeniable that, over the years, this short video platform has become a part of people's lifestyles.

Thailand, known for its vibrant culture and tech-savvy population, is no exception to this phenomenon. Since its introduction, TikTok has swiftly gained popularity in the country, leaving an indelible impact on Thai society and becoming an emblem of soft power.

TikTok, developed by the Chinese company ByteDance, was launched globally in September 2017. However, it wasn't until 2019 that the application began to gain significant traction in Thailand. With its user-friendly interface and a unique algorithm that tailors content to individual preferences, TikTok quickly became a viral sensation.

Thai users, especially the younger demographic, were captivated by the platform's short-form videos, engaging challenges and the opportunity to showcase their creativity. Much like YouTube and its creators, one of TikTok's standouts is that it is a space that made names for countless "ordinary people" who don't have to be celebrities to be able to create their own identity and expand their content on the platform.

The tools for filming, editing, and even adding stickers and effects, as well as many copyrighted soundtracks, mean the creation of short videos is no longer a difficult task. TikTok's machine learning also helps to deliver content to the target audience — many people can create viral trends overnight. As a result, many people have emerged on the TikTok platform and become professional creators and influencers with stable income.

TikTok has a diverse range of content that resonates with users. Dance challenges have become one of the most popular forms of content on the platform. Thai TikTokers have embraced various dance trends, creating unique choreography and showcasing their skills. The platform has also helped stimulate the music industry for a new generation of singers/songwriters and many famous artists around the world choose to debut their new singles on it.

Additionally, comedic skits, lip-sync videos and beauty tutorials have become popular genres on TikTok in Thailand. Beauty influencers and make-up artists have found a space to share their expertise, promoting Thai beauty brands and influencing consumer trends. The platform has given rise to a new wave of Thai influencers who have successfully projected the nation's soft power globally. Thai cuisine, for instance, has become a popular theme on TikTok, with videos showcasing traditional recipes and street food stalls garnering millions of views.

Today as the platform continues to evolve, TikTok's influence in Thailand has been nothing short of remarkable. TikTok allows its users to express their creativity and connect with like-minded individuals. So far, we have seen many Thai TikTokers successfully project cultural heritage, arts and cuisine to a global audience, and contribute to the country's soft power. — Tatat Bunnag

Chinese growing in popularity

Mandarin Chinese is one of the most popular foreign languages among Thais wishing to take up another language, with many believing proficiency in Mandarin can help them secure high-paying jobs.

According to Pusadee Keetaworanart, manager of Oriental Culture Academy, a Chinese language school in Pathumwan district, an increasing number of Thai students are taking up Chinese, with the hope of landing a job with a big Chinese company once they graduate.

She said many believe that fluency in Chinese will help them secure a high-paying job.

Speaking ahead of the 48th anniversary of Sino-Thai diplomatic relations in July, Ms Pusadee this belief shows the growing importance of the Chinese language on the world stage.

"No one would be flocking to learn Chinese had China remained poor," she said. As one of the world's economic superpowers, China is a crucial part of the global supply chain.

As such, she said, Chinese has become a useful language in international business.

Ms Pusadee, also the editor of New Chinese Daily News newspaper in Thailand, said schools have employed different methods to teach the language.

At her academy, she said, students have found it helpful to use songs as means to practise pronouncing words and begin conversing in Chinese.

The academy also maintains good ties with universities in China which grant scholarships for Thai students to further their studies in China, Ms Pusadee says.

As the one of the main drivers of development in the region, Chinese is widely used across Asia, with some two billion fluent speakers across the globe.

In Thailand, Chinese became a popular language under King Rama IV. The language is included in the national curriculum and is taught at schools alongside other foreign languages, such as French, German, Spanish, and Japanese.

Life changing

Vatanya Sinjit, 27, a primary school teacher, said she made up her mind to take up Chinese when she was in Year 10, believing command of the language will help her in her senior year.

She stuck with her decision when she reached university, opting to major in Chinese and Cultural Studies at Huachiew Chalermprakiat University.

While she was a student, she received a scholarship from the Chinese Language Teacher Association of Thailand to study at Jinan University in China, on the condition she must come back to Thailand and become a Chinese language teacher once she completed her studies.

"Studying Chinese in China helped me advance my linguistic skills and broaden my cultural knowledge through daily life experiences.

"All subjects were taught in Chinese including specialised subjects. These helped me improve my Chinese skills quickly," Ms Vatanya said.

She said she was delighted to see many Thai students learning Chinese, especially since many are genuinely interested in learning the language.

Aradee Kao-ien, 32, a Chinese language lecturer at a university, said she started studying Chinese when she was in Year 10. Now, she has a PhD in Chinese Literature Teaching.

"I know a lot of people study Chinese because of their interest in Chinese superstars, but for me, it is because I love this language. The more I learn, the more I like it,” she said.

She said the fact that many of her students have gone on to live better lives is a source of joy and pride.

Ms Aradee has also helped students with disabilities learn Chinese language skills, saying the experience inspired her to develop new methods for teaching Chinese for students with disabilities.

She hopes the method could be help improve the quality of teaching in the future, she said.