
Fewer anti-government protests have been seen on the streets this week although no end to the political tension is in sight.
The self-fashioned "leaderless protests of a hundred aliases" remain a political force to be reckoned with. However, those familiar with organising mass gatherings agreed no protests can last without leaders and the latest ones steered by the Free People movement are no exception.
Only this time, the first wave of co-leaders belonging to the Free People group -- the likes of Arnon Nampa, Panupong "Mike" Jadnok, Parit "Penguin" Chiwarak and Panusaya "Rung" Sithijirawattanakul -- have been in and out of detention cells on a myriad of charges connected to their roles in the mass protests.
The protests have carried on despite the co-leaders' absence from the protest stages. Filling in for them are the new, and often younger, ranks of co-leaders or those who have managed to avoid legal charges.
The co-leaders insisted they will not stop until their demands -- Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha's immediate resignation as prime minister, the constitution wholly rewritten and reforms of the monarchy -- are met.
They have insisted they will not retreat an inch with their demands, a stand which had many political experts concerned about a likely further build-up of political pressure which could degenerate into a stalemate.
As the concerns grow, what may be interpreted as an interesting turn of events has been reported with Arnon Nampa, a high-profile protest co-leader, at the centre of the development.
The story was announced under a sub-head of "A Core Leader of the Khana Ratsadorn (also known as the Free People movement) Warms To A Possible Compromise", in a new online article.
Mr Arnon reportedly has floated theories on Facebook. He said the military has a reason to be reluctant to engineer a power revolt amid the tense political circumstances.
In his view, the military was able to put two and two together in figuring out that usurping power would only play into the hands of the protesters since a coup would necessitate tearing up the current constitution, which would satisfy the elements working against the government.
Also, the military and all sides across the political divide would be dealt a disastrous blow if a coup was to be staged.
At the same time, he said the protesters should also be wary of the likelihood that in the event of a coup, there is no chance of the contents of a new charter being produced to their liking.
Mr Arnon suggested that a silver lining could emerge on the horizon, which could keep the country from slipping into a political crisis where the military might find an excuse to intervene. He said the government and the protesters have not resorted to any aggression which could bring the situation to a boil.
His comment came as army chief Narongphan Jittkaewtae categorically ruled out any chance of a military coup to end the tension on the political front. He publicly stated that political problems must be fixed by political means.
It was reported that a group of royalists earlier indicated they would appeal to the army to undo the political mess through a military takeover. Gen Narongphan asserted there is clearly a well "below-zero" chance of a coup.
The royalist group echoed its call after thousands of anti-government protesters converged at a mass rally last Sunday to repeat their demands for monarchy reforms and marched towards the Grand Palace. Police later fired water cannon to stop them advancing while clashes between the protesters and the police broke out at Sanam Luang.
In his Facebook message, Mr Arnon mentioned how an avenue was still open for a compromise which could defuse the present political conflict, although how or when the solution could be reached was the question.
He said he recognised the ongoing efforts by parties to the conflict to prevent violence from erupting as a result of the tensions. Mr Arnon said the government and the protesters should refrain from being provoked and work together toward achieving a solution.
On Wednesday, he urged the volunteer guards of the demonstrators to stick to a peaceful approach, saying this will help the movement attain success.
Smells of stalling
Parliament is expected to pick up where it left off when it meets next week to scrutinise charter amendment bills.
However, uncertainty looms large over the upcoming session after 72 senators and a number of ruling Palang Pracharath Party (PPRP) MPs decided to seek a judicial review of three drafts, according to political observers.
Early this week the group led by senator Somchai Sawangkarn and PPRP deputy leader and list-MP Paiboon Nititawan submitted a motion to Parliament president Chuan Leekpai asking him to send three of the charter amendment proposals to the Constitutional Court for examination.
The thrust of these proposals would be to revise Section 256 of the current constitution to make way for a charter drafting body to be formed. Two bills -- one sponsored by the opposition and the other by government coalition parties -- are pending a vote.
The third, put forward by the civil group, the Internet Dialogue on Law Reform (iLaw), has yet to be put on parliament agenda. The group wants to clear up the referendum issue: Should it be held before or after the scrutiny of the bills?
Senator Kittisak Rattanawaraha was quoted as saying the move was to make sure the process was in accordance with the constitution. Moreover, the senators were concerned that they would face a malfeasance charge if they voted in favour of charter proposals that were later found to be unconstitutional.
The group's claim is rejected by Democrat Party deputy leader Ongart Klampaiboon, who insisted the draft bill sponsored by the government parties was constitutional. He criticised the motion, saying it might also create distrust considering what the government did when the charter amendment drafts were poised for a vote in parliament in late September.
He was referring to an abrupt proposal by a group of senators and government MPs that a panel should be set up and given one month to consider those bills. It came at a time when a joint sitting in parliament was about to vote in the first reading.
The panel was duly set up, causing parliament to delay the first-reading vote.
The government came under fire immediately and faced a trust problem; the charter rewrite proposal was seen as a crucial step to lower the political temperature amid escalating youth-led protests.
According to political observers, the government appeared to have little appetite or sincerity for charter amendments from the start even though it was part of the government's policy statement declared before the House of Representatives.
To critics, the fresh motion seeking the Constitutional Court's view on the constitutionality of the amendment bills feels like another attempt to stymie the charter amendment process. However, it remains to be seen how the move will play out.
The motion to have the amendment bills vetted by the Constitutional Court is not directly forwarded to the court. Instead, to send it for judicial review, it must first be adopted by parliament, according to political observers.
But first things first. Mr Chuan has to decide if the motion can be put on the agenda at all.
Assuming the motion is passed and the Constitutional Court rules the referendum must come before the charter rewrite, the rewrite process will be put on hold. Although the some of the amendment bills that are not earmarked for vetting are deemed cleared to proceed, it is believed the whole process will be forced back to square one.
According to political observers, if this is the case it will be a setback for those seeking to curb the power of the 250 senators handpicked by the now-defunct National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO).
The focus is Section 272 of the constitution, which stipulates that the senators are required to vote along with MPs in the election of the prime minister.
The Senate's role in choosing the premier has been a real thorn in the side for the opposition, anti-government protesters and the Democrat Party, who are pushing for the abolition of the Senate's power to participate in the selection of a prime minister.