The three-tier Senate poll turned out to be one of the most complicated races of its kind and also one that is hugely problematic.
Fraught with complaints, both against the candidates and the Election Commission (EC), there seems to be no end in sight in resolving issues stemming from the elections which took place on different days, first at the district level before shortlisted candidates went on to the provincial and national rounds.
It was theorised long before the polls were held that the election would not go smoothly.
Far from it, as one political source put it, the country's first-ever experiment with intra- and inter-professional group Senate polls was riddled with technical loopholes, carelessness, and abuses.
A poll of such magnitude and significance was bound to be susceptible to covert lobbying and jockeying for seats in the upper House, engineered by political parties or elements connected to them.
There was no escaping the reality that many candidates, who either failed to get elected or made the cut, were affiliated with political parties or groups, according to the source.
Political affiliation was one of the many issues sparking a flood of complaints lodged with the EC.
It has transpired, post-election, that the majority of poll winners may not be able to fully claim to have had no qualms about running for a Senate seat independently, as the law required them to.
In fact, some media outlets have produced colour-coded diagrams for the poll winners to signify their respective "closeness" to political parties -- blue for a coalition party in command of vast constituencies in the lower Northeast, red for another major coalition party and orange for what is dubbed a progressive party intimately aligned to a like-minded movement.
The lion's share of the 200 Senate seats has been painted blue, followed by an almost equal split between the red and orange camps. It has been estimated that the winners in the blue camp numbered around 150, whereas the red and orange blocs claimed about 20 seats each.
On Tuesday, the Senate overwhelmingly elected Mongkol Surasajja, a former Buri Ram governor, as its new speaker. Buri Ram is a stronghold of Bhumjaithai.
In light of growing complaints from both outsiders and candidates, the EC has stuck to its guns, insisting it will resort to its conventional approach of endorsing winners first and disqualifying them later if they are found to have broken the Senate election law.
The approach, however, compounded the fear that it would ultimately cause a stalemate, keeping the incoming Senate from taking over from the incumbents. They were slammed as a legacy of the coup-maker, the National Council for Peace and Order, whose leading figures were instrumental in hand-picking them.
On July 10, the EC went ahead and certified 200 senators-elect and 100 substitutes, although one senator-elect, Kohdeeyoh Songngam, from the media practitioners and literature group, was immediately disqualified for having been employed as an adviser to the chairman of the Ang Thong provincial administrative organisation.
Some critics, including incumbent senators, believed acting too quickly to endorse Senate poll winners before addressing the complaints could lead to the election being nullified later, in which case it would have to take place again, and the senators appointed under the previous administration would remain for a lot longer than expected.
Amid the chaos, certain new senators, calling themselves independent and pro-democracy, have pointed to political affiliations fellow election winners purportedly have and attacked the string-pullers for organising the support that propelled them to office.
But political analyst Nuttaa 'Bow' Mahattana has voiced caution, saying such criticism should be taken with a grain of salt. She questioned whether such "independent" senators were in a position to chide others when they themselves may have questions to answer. A candidate herself, who failed in the district voting round, Ms Nuttaa, in a live-stream, zeroed in on alleged hypocrisy by the orange camp.
She noted that the Orange Bloc did not dispute the "unjust" election until after the unofficial results were released by the EC, which confirmed that many of its affiliated candidates had lost out.
Ms Nuttaa showed what she said was proof the orange bloc had mobilised support and conducted intense and systematic lobbying from the beginning.
The bloc's strategy involved opening a Line chatroom to communicate with about 400 of its like-minded Senate candidates. According to Ms Nuttaa, the bloc then issued instructions on how some candidates must refrain from voting for themselves, as was allowed, and instead give their votes to a pre-selected crop of fellow candidates to augment the latter's chances of winning.
However, several candidates refused to be a stepping stone for anyone. On the day of the final vote, the orange candidates suffered a split, and the bloc ended up failing to pull in as many winners as it had targeted, Ms Nuttaa said.
She said it was comical that the orange bloc had pointed the finger at the lobbying parties when it had done exactly the same, but less successfully.
In her Facebook post, Ms Nuttaa said some mainstream media outlets interviewed a few poll winners in a campaign to portray the orange bloc as angelical and paint the rest of the elected senators in a negative light.
"We are living in a period when information operations and propagandistic manipulations are in full swing.
"These tactics are employed to dress up an image of angelic versus demonic parties in a bid to drive the manipulator's own political agenda," she said.
Fresh start, but now apart
Wan: Upset Pheu Thai bosses
Wan Ubumrung, a former Pheu Thai Party MP for Bangkok, has found a new political home in the Palang Pracharath Party (PPRP).
After 17 years, the outspoken politician quit Pheu Thai earlier this month after upsetting the party's bosses for showing support for a party rival in a recent election in Pathum Thani.
As he announced his resignation, Mr Wan said he was open to offers from other parties interested in recruiting him. He admitted maintaining close ties with Bhumjaithai Party leader Anutin Charnvirakul.
Days later, he disclosed that he would join the PPRP after he and his father, Pol Capt Chalerm, met PPRP leader Prawit Wongsuwon at the Five Provinces Bordering Forest Preservation Foundation, located at the 1st Infantry Regiment in Bangkok's Phaya Thai district.
Pol Capt Chalerm reportedly agreed to join the PPRP too, except he could not defect while remaining a Pheu Thai list-MP. By law, he would have to be expelled by Pheu Thai in order to keep his MP status before defecting to another party.
However, Pheu Thai has refused to play ball. Pheu Thai leader Paetongtarn Shinawatra reiterated the party has no intention of expelling Pol Capt Chalerm.
Mr Wan warned Pheu Thai it stands accused of employing double standards. If he could be reprimanded by Ms Paetongtarn for attending the post-local election gathering organised by Pheu Thai's rival in Pathum Thani back in June, his father should face the music as well since he also attended the event. That should present grounds for Pol Capt Chalerm's expulsion, according to Mr Wan.
As Mr Wan's estrangement with Pheu Thai became irreconcilable, news broke that he had finally found a party to welcome him.
On Tuesday Mr Wan received a warm reception from Gen Prawit who assisted him in the customary donning of the PPRP jacket, which was also a symbolic gesture marking his full membership.
His defection to the PPRP raises a couple of questions, including whether he has what it takes to secure an election victory for his new party and why Gen Prawit is eager to embrace him and his father. One possible reason Gen Prawit extended the invitations to Mr Wan and his father is that he wants to demonstrate that he is still in charge at the PPRP, according to Stithorn Thananithichot, director of the Office of Innovation for Democracy at King Prajadhipok's Institute.
Speculation is rife that the party is being run by its secretary-general Capt Thamanat Prompow. It is believed Gen Prawit's clout is waning, with several party members aligned with Capt Thamanat, who is now perceived as cosying up to Pheu Thai and prominent PPRP figure Santi Promphat.
"No matter how much Gen Prawit wants to stay on as party leader, at the end of the day, he will have to pass the torch to Capt Thamanat," Mr Stithorn said.
According to Mr Stithorn, given the current political landscape, the PPRP may also end up being a branch of Pheu Thai at the next election, especially if Gen Prawit is compelled to hand the leadership to Capt Thamanat.
Such a prospect, however, is strongly denied by Gen Prawit.
After Mr Wan's induction on Tuesday, Gen Prawit, who rarely makes public appearances these days, hurried back to his office as he tried to give reporters a wide berth.
He was clearly agitated when asked if the PPRP would eventually operate as a "branch" of Pheu Thai at the next election. He reacted with a loud, sharp "No!"
Observers reckon there is a slim chance of Mr Wan making a comeback as an MP given the growing popularity of the main opposition Move Forward Party (MFP) in Bangkok.
But despite the PPRP's lack of support in the capital in last year's election, Mr Wan, a former MP who had active community engagement, is presently seen as a solid candidate for the party.
"It's better than having no one. At least the PPRP has a candidate to compete with the MFP in Bangkok. There's still time to find a strategy when the election comes," said Mr Stithorn.
He also said the MFP has become overwhelmingly popular, so the best strategy to counter and possibly defeat the opposition party is for other political parties to unite.
Based on last year's poll results in many Bangkok constituencies, candidates from Pheu Thai and the United Thai Nation Party garnered more votes combined than MFP candidates. This means these two parties may have to strategically opt out in certain constituencies to avoid undermining each other.
According to Mr Stithorn, Mr Wan's move to the PPRP can be seen as part of the PPRP's strategy to strengthen its position and readiness for the next polls.
