With 2025 fast approaching, the 'Bangkok Post' takes a look at five of the top political stories that intrigued the nation over the past 12 months.
1. Srettha's govt gone in blink of an eye
Srettha Thavisin's fortunes have taken a drastic turn, from a real estate mogul to the country's 30th prime minister.
However, his premiership lasted barely a year before an unanticipated fall from grace.
Mr Srettha was selected by the ruling Pheu Thai Party from its three candidates to be nominated for a parliamentary vote as prime minister. His nomination followed the Move Forward Party's (MFP) futile bid to get the Senate's endorsement of its own candidate, Pita Limjaroenrat, in the leadership contest.
Mr Srettha assumed the premiership on Aug 22, 2023. Commanding no political faction in Pheu Thai and lacking experience in politics, he rose to the top job amid criticism he was playing the role of a puppet PM.
During his stint, he was noted for his frequent official trips overseas and for having been at loggerheads with Bank of Thailand (BoT) governor Sethaput Suthiwartnarueput over interest rates.
Mr Srettha repeatedly asked the BoT to cut rates to stimulate the economy, while Mr Sethaput insisted on the central bank's independence in its decision-making.
Mr Srettha also earned criticism for being unable to roll out Pheu Thai's flagship digital wallet scheme as promised during the election.
Meanwhile, a petition was filed against Mr Srettha for naming ex-convict Pichit Chuenban as a cabinet minister.
On Aug 14, the Constitutional Court judged Mr Srettha guilty of a gross violation of ethics over the Pichit appointment. The ruling cost Mr Srettha his job.
In the evening, coalition party leaders met at the Chan Songla residence of former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra on Charan Sanitwong Road in Bangkok, reportedly at Thaksin's invitation.
The attendees settled on nominating former attorney-general Chaikasem Nitisiri as prime minister. He and Paetongtarn Shinawatra were Pheu Thai's two remaining prime ministerial candidates.
However, some Pheu Thai members convened an urgent meeting the next day and pressed the party to put forth Ms Paetongtarn, Thaksin's youngest daughter and leader of the party, as the prime ministerial candidate for a vote in parliament instead. The party obliged.
The party members argued Mr Chaikasem suffered from ill health. Ms Paetongtarn, on the other hand, belonged to a new generation of politicians, is able to visit constituents far and wide and has the respect of party members, according to the party.
Parliament on Aug 16 elected Ms Paetongtarn to be prime minister.
2. Senate poll boosts sway of the ‘blues’ party
The most complicated Senate election in Thai history may be long over, but it may well have upped the ante for the “blue party” in driving a hard political bargain.
Election Commission staff count votes during the Senate election at Impact Forum in Nonthaburi on June 26. (Photo: Pattarapong Chatpattarasill)
The country experimented with the three-tier election in June to find 200 senators to succeed the 150-member Senate hand-picked by the now-defunct coup-maker National Council for Peace and Order.
The polls held over three days in June involved electing senators from candidates representing 20 professional groups at district, provincial and national levels.
The candidates were whittled down through intra-group voting, before those shortlisted cast inter-group votes that produced the 200 winners.
The polls attracted a tactical mobilisation of votes by various networks and others believed to be closely affiliated with parties.
Political watchers noted unusual spikes in the number of candidates registered in certain provinces.
It transpired many unsuccessful candidates walked away with zero inter-group votes that eventually decided the winners. This had many analysts theorising the zero-vote candidates had been “recruited” to join the race with the aim of voting for fellow candidates who were backed by parties.
An overwhelming 160-170 of the 200 senators were thought to possess a “blue” affiliation. Blue is the colour of Bhumjaithai, the second-largest coalition party.
Several of the so-called blue senators had emerged triumphant in provinces dominated by Bhumjaithai, such as Buri Ram, Ang Thong, Satun, Amnat Charoen, Uthai Thani, Si Sa Ket and Ayutthaya.
An impression has been created of a vast majority of senators coming to work with a string puller. They have been accused of forming a formidable force behind the blue party, given the Senate’s power to pass or block legislation.
Meanwhile, Bhumjaithai has gone against the grain of other parties which support legislative changes to make a referendum on any charter rewrite easier to pass.
The party’s stand aligns with the Senate which is adamant about keeping the more difficult path of the double-majority rule — where more than 50% of voters must participate in the referendum, and the majority of those who cast their votes must approve it — intact.
3. PAO polls raise party popularity stakes
Elections were held for Provincial Administrative Organisation (PAO) presidents in 29 provinces despite plans to hold all PAO chairman polls on the same day in February next year.
Former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra speaks to reporters at the ordination ceremony of the Thanyaburi Municipality mayor’s son endorsing Pheu Thai candidate Charn Phuangphet on June 8 .(Photo: TV screen capture)
The Election Commission (EC) had called elections for PAO chairs and councillors whose term ended on Dec 19 for Feb 1.
However, several local contests were held earlier due to resignations; most, if not all, incumbents quit to seek re-election while they still enjoyed strong support.
Waiting until their terms expired in December and contesting the February polls could have allowed rivals to build their strength and jeopardise incumbents’ chances of retaining their posts.
Among the closely watched contests was the Pathum Thani race, which was full of twists and turns.
Pheu Thai candidate Charn Phuangpetch, a former long-time president of Pathum Thani’s PAO, initially won against his rival, Pol Lt Gen Kamronwit Toopkrajang, who ran under the Khon Rak Pathum (Love Pathum) group banner, by a small margin.
However, Charn was suspended from office due to a pending case of corruption and malfeasance in connection with his role in Pathum Thani PAO’s procurement of flood relief supplies in 2011.
An alleged election law violation, however, resulted in his being disqualified by the EC. Pol Lt Gen Kamronwit won the re-run and his victory was endorsed by the EC on Oct 16. On Oct 24, the Criminal Court for Corruption and Misconduct Cases sentenced Charn and six other people to 7.5 years in jail in the corruption case.
This PAO contest also seized public attention due to former premier Thaksin Shinawatra’s assistance in the campaign. Thaksin went to the province and urged the red shirts, core supporters of the Pheu Thai Party, to rally behind Charn.
The local contest also caused an internal rift in which veteran politician Wan Ubumrung resigned from the party after he was criticised for fraternising with Pol Lt Gen Kamronwit, a close friend of the Ubumrung family, in the first poll.
The fatal shooting of Chaimet “Sor Jor Tong” Sitsanitphong, a provincial council member in Prachin Buri, on Dec 11 was a brutal reminder of the high stakes involved in PAO elections, as the violence is suspected to be linked to political power struggles.
With major parties fielding candidates, the Feb 1 local polls were also seen as important barometers of party popularity on the national stage.
4. Move Forward Party is down but not out
The Move Forward Party (MFP) was the third political party in Thailand to be disbanded after winning a general election. It swept to victory in the 2023 poll with the highest number of House seats, at 151, and 14 million votes in the party-list system.
The People’s Party recruit party members and receive donations at Stadium One, Chula Soi 5, Bangkok on Aug 10. (Photo: Nutthawat Wichieanbut)
That was only the second time the party had contested a general election. The first was in 2019 when the Future Forward Party, the MFP’s precursor, came in third behind Pheu Thai and the Palang Pracharath Party.
When the MFP was dissolved by an Aug 7, 2024 court ruling, several of its key figures were also banned from politics for 10 years, including former party leader Pita Limjaroenrat and then leader Chaithawat Tulathon.
The main reason given by the court was the party’s intention to amend Section 112 of the Criminal Code, better known as the lese majeste law.
This policy was seen as exploiting the monarchy as a tool to attract voters to win the 2023 election and risked dragging the monarchy into political disputes between those supporting the lese majeste law and those opposing it.
The court also cited MFP’s campaign against the lese majeste law as grounds to believe the party intended to gradually undermine the importance of the monarchy. This misconduct carried the party the disbandment penalty.
Reincarnated again as the People’s Party, it still has a good chance of winning the next general election, according to some political observers.
5. Thaksin shows he is no shrinking violet
Former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra has dominated the media spotlight since his return to Thailand in August 2023.
From left: Former premier Srettha Thavisin, Prime Minister and Pheu Thai leader Paetongtarn Shinawatra and former PM Thaksin Shinawatra greet party members before a party seminar in Hua Hin on Dec 13-14. (Photo: Pheu Thai party)
For six months he stayed out of the public eye at Police General Hospital (PGH) in Bangkok, where he was treated for mysterious illnesses instead of serving time in jail.
His extended stay spoke volumes about political influence and fuelled speculation about the role he might assume after completing his one-year sentence.
Following his release on parole in February, Thaksin waded back into politics. It soon became clear that his political clout is even more powerful now than it was during his time as prime minister.
The father of prime minister and Pheu Thai leader Paetongtarn Shinawatra appeared at forums to outline his visions for Thailand and helped the ruling party’s candidates compete in local elections.
One key moment came when he summoned leaders of the coalition partners to his Bangkok home in August to discuss replacing Srettha Thavisin, who was removed from the prime minister’s post by the Constitutional Court.
Then, at a Pheu Thai Party seminar in Hua Hin recently, Thaksin criticised coalition partners who missed a Dec 11 cabinet meeting to deliberate two decrees.
His criticism reinforced the belief that he is the one pulling the strings in the Pheu Thai-led government.
However, Thaksin’s controversial stay at the PGH and the gathering of coalition parties at his house are now under investigation.
The National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) announced it would investigate officials accused of allowing Thaksin to stay at the hospital instead of prison.
The NACC’s inquiry will target 12 officials from the PGH and the Department of Corrections (DoC). Meanwhile, the Election Commission (EC) said it is probing the former prime minister’s alleged manipulation of the Pheu Thai Party and interference in the coalition government, even after the court ruled recently to reject a petition related to Thaksin’s alleged involvement in politics.
The EC said the court based its judgement on whether Thaksin and Pheu Thai had violated Section 49 of the constitution, which covers misconduct and claims of whether they were attempting to overthrow the constitutional monarchy.
The EC, on the other hand, is looking into petitions regarding the Pheu Thai Party’s alleged violation of the organic law on parties, which prohibits a party from consenting to being manipulated by an outsider, in this case alleged to be Thaksin.
