It's been almost two months since the five Election Commission (EC) members took their seats. None of them could possibly have guessed how hot they would become.
Of the five commissioners, Somchai Srisuthiyakorn has been thrust into the limelight the most, although the publicity he is getting does not always work in his favour.
Election Commissioner Somchai Srisuthiyakorn
To the people affected by his handling of election-related matters, Mr Somchai has overstepped his authority by expressing his personal opinions in some EC resolutions. His opponents alleged he was trying to derail the trouble-plagued Feb 2 general election.
Mr Somchai has shrugged off the accusations, especially those levelled against him by the caretaker government. The other commissioners, though, confirm Mr Somchai's polls-related statements reflected the EC's decisions.
Whenever criticism arose, the full EC insisted, either by calling a press conference or giving separate interviews, that what Mr Somchai had said was a resolution of the EC.
All five election commissioners affirmed the EC was united in managing the Feb 2 general election.
On rare occasions election commissioner Phuchong Nutrawong, the spokesperson for the EC, appeared awkward when asked by the media to expand on Mr Somchai's interview comments.
Mr Phuchong, say observers, apparently has been afraid that his responses may not mirror what Mr Somchai has said.
Mr Somchai, meanwhile, has become more cautious in order to not divulge information that might duplicate what fellow commissioners have already touched upon.
It is believed that he was a key player in the EC's media relations strategies. Other EC members, who are former court judges, are unfamiliar with dealing with the press, especially in handling questions about detailed information regarding the poll.
Mr Somchai, on the other hand, has had a lot of experience in an election watchdog role. His experience goes back to the first general election held after the 1997 charter was approved when he represented several poll watchdogs, including the Open Forum for Democracy Foundation and People Network for Elections in Thailand (Pnet).
Mr Somchai is trusted by his fellow commissioners to handle the dissemination of EC information to the public because he is capable of providing the media with detailed information and is knowledgeable about election law.
He has a good sense in assessing what the public is eager to know, while his personal Facebook page continues to see a growing number of followers who include reporters and important figures in other circles.
In the meantime, Mr Somchai and other commissioners could find themselves entangled in a web of legal disputes that could spring from the Feb 2 general election.
The fact of the matter
Anti-government protesters are complaining more vociferously about what they say is scant coverage of the protest campaign by the foreign media.
There has been growing frustration vented by protest sympathisers in the social media about the way western media giants like The New York Times, The Washington Post, BBC and CNN have portrayed the street protests.
Pikulkaew Krairiksh, chairwoman of the Senate committee on foreign affairs, left, and fellow senators take a picture with Democratic Representative Tammy Duckworth at the Voice of America studio in Washington DC, US.
Some reports describe the political crisis as a battle between two groups of people the rural poor and the middle class while others say the demonstrators are against elections which are an integral part of democracy.
Their coverage, say political observers, may not be telling the whole story.
Some protesters say the reporting by some foreign media is clearly biased. They are convinced sympathetic lobbyists may have been sent overseas by the government which led to efforts to wage an information war against the protesters. Deposed prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra is known to have lobbyists working for him.
Wary of an information grey-out by
western media outlets, a delegation of Thai senators recently paid a visit to Italy and the United States to clarify the political situation in Thailand to Italian senators and US congressmen.
The delegation was led by Pikulkaew Krairiksh, chairwoman of the Senate committee on foreign affairs, and included former senator Somchai Sawaengkarn, a member of the Senate committee on human rights. The delegation was hoping that the Congress members would ''relay the facts'' they presented about the current situation to the US administration.
During the US visit, Ms Pikulkaew's delegation also gave an interview to Voice of America's (VOA) Thai Service, an international public broadcaster.
The delegation noted reporting by some foreign media was not accurate. Their coverage says the protesters were against the election.
But the protesters have maintained all along that they do not oppose an election. Ms Pikulkaew told VOA the protesters were calling for political reforms before the election.
According to Ms Pikulkaew, the trip was worthwhile as it would give the other side of the story about the crisis.
Firms' finances in the crosshairs
The order to scrutinise the finances of the anti-government protest is considered by observers to be an effective means of subduing the biggest threat to the Yingluck Shinawatra administration since it came to power more than two years ago.
The Centre for Maintaining Peace and Order (CMPO), directed by caretaker Labour Minister Chalerm Yubamrung, has ordered the finances of companies which financially support the anti-government protests to be monitored. They could be in trouble with the law, the centre warns.
However, the anti-government People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) doubts the warning has any teeth.
A political source says specific agencies might not be very willing to follow orders to monitor the finances of the firms in question, fearing a legal backlash.
The warning came on the heels of the Department of Special Investigation's decision to freeze the bank accounts of the protest leaders.
DSI chief Tarit Pengdith insists an asset freeze is a crucial means to emasculate and eventually end the political unrest, as was done during the 2010 street rallies by the red shirts. Mr Tarit was one of the top officials at the centre designated to quell the unrest at the time.
The DSI has now identified more than 80 suspects whose assets will be frozen pending further investigation into their involvement in the PDRC protests, said Mr Tarit. He refused to disclose the suspects' names.
He said the CMPO has issued a warning, in plain black and white, to those funding the protests. It reportedly sent each of them a written warning some time ago.
Mr Chalerm publicly identified two large companies, one selling poultry and the other liquor, which are financial backers of the protest.
In his address to the protesters on Thursday evening, PDRC chief Suthep Thaugsuban denied any companies fitting those descriptions had donated so much as a single satang to the protesters. He said the finance warning was meant to intimidate the government's opponents.
The CMPO, meanwhile, has appointed Sihanart Prayoonrat, secretary-general of the Anti-Money Laundering Office (Amlo), to lead the investigation into the companies.
Those failing to prove that they had nothing to do with the protest funding might face charges of treason, colluding to stir up violence, and violating the emergency decree.
They might also face tax offences as well, he said.
A source familiar with the issue said the law may not be on the side of the officials assigned to examine the finances of protest-aiding firms.
If history is any guide, the Amlo has learned a bitter lesson from investigating some top media figures seen as critical of the Thaksin Shinawatra government.
